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Anna Pratt, Securing Borders: Detention and Deportation in Canada (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2005)

Reviewed by Harsha Walia
The Rain 4:1 (Winter 2006): 1


As attention to national borders has figured prominently in the post-9/11 world, Anna Pratt’s Securing Borders provides readers with a comprehensive history and analysis for organizing against Canadian immigration processes and policies that have wreaked havoc in the lives of thousands of migrants.

In this book, Pratt unearths the historical origins of the “tough on immigration” policies that have come to dominate today’s political landscape and societal consciousness. The beefing of national security forces at the borders that mark the space for the West is repeatedly portrayed as the first, and most important, line of defense against crime and terrorism. As Pratt writes, “Detention and deportation are the two most extreme and bodily sanctions of this immigration penality, which constitutes and enforces borders, polices non-citizens, identifies those deemed dangerous, diseased, deceitful, or destitute, and refuses them entry or casts them out. As such, detention and deportation and the borders they sustain are also key technologies in the continuous processes that make up citizens and govern populations” (1).

Using a Foucauldian power analysis, Pratt examines the means through which the growth of the administrative state and its domination over society—“the governmentalization of the state”—has rearticulated state sovereignty and discipline through discursive, legislative, fiscal, organizational, and other resources of the public power. Disciplinary regimes, such as those in prisons, factories, and schools work to instill obedience by encouraging the internalization of methods of control. In chapter two, for example, Pratt deals with various aspects of the detention system and penal practices of the immigration system, including the horrifying narrative of the death of Michael Akhimien at Celebrity Detention Center in Toronto.

Regimes that govern through liberalism can also be understood as a political rationality. Chapter three is particularly valuable as Pratt explores the notion of administrative discretion by analogizing the discussion of discretion in immigration enforcement to administrative discretion in welfare regulation. Discretion, as Pratt explains, is central to the operation of immigration policy, despite the typically held view by many advocates that discretion of individual immigration officers is antithetical to the exercise of immigration law. Most often discretion is constructed either as a problem, where individual immigration officers are seen as having too much arbitrary power, or as a humanitarian solution to permit the general rules of law to be adapted to individual circumstances. However, as Pratt discusses, discretion and law are not in opposition to each other. Rather the operation of legal power depends on the existence of discretionary power. “It works to reconcile the universality of liberal legal principles and the particularity of specific legal cases and contexts” (57). A quotation by Peter Fitzpatrick in the book aptly characterizes the relationship between law and discretion: “it is because of the particularist and pervasive powers of administration that the rule of law can be maintained in all its aspects of universality and equality and seen as marking out fields for free action. Administration is the necessary ‘dark side’ of the law” (57). This discussion therefore appropriately analyzes the nature of discretionary power-making and debunks the traditional view held by liberal advocates that solutions to the immigration system lie in more or better regulated laws, which end up sustaining the primacy of the liberal legal paradigm and detract from a structural understanding of the immigration system.

In chapter four, Pratt maps out the transitions in the governance of immigration policy from 1945 to the present day Immigration and Refugee Protection Act. Set in a historical context, the book maps the evolving discursive formations and power relationships that have surrounded the development of immigration policy. As Pratt discusses, over the past fifty years as legal-rights talk became more entrenched, explicitly racist and moralistic grounds for exclusion became de-legitimized, and in their place categories of criminality and security were reconfigured as threats to the nation-state. What happened after 9/11 was the further entrenchment of the crime-security nexus that was already well-established. It becomes evident that although different eras have been dominated by different perceptions of what has constituted threats to the nation-state, each era has formulated threats as being external to the nation-state thus justifying exclusionary immigration policies.

Through the mapping of historical developments, in chapters six and seven, discursive formations that regulate the notion of good versus bad refugees become apparent. Historically and currently, “genuine refugees” are seen as those who are forced to leave their country due to persecution and through no personal fault of their own, while “bogus refugee claimants” are regarded with suspicion and as system-abusers because they are perceived as being voluntary (typically economic) migrants. It is only the genuine refugee who deserves Canadian protection and access to the benefits of Canadian citizenship, while Canadian society becomes constructed as a victim to system abusers—i.e. fraudulent refugee claimants. Therefore, like welfare policy, the deserving refugee only exists in opposition to those constructed as undeserving and undesirable. As many movements like No Borders and No One is Illegal have reiterated, the category of legitimate versus illegitimate migrants merely goes to further strengthen the power of the state to construct humanitarian categories that control people’s right to self-determination. Therefore the book contributes to dispelling the myth of the “deserving refugee”, which invokes a sense of pity and charity, in opposition to the “bogus refugee claimant”. 

This book does fall short, however, in relating the construction of the Canadian nation-state through the use of exclusionary immigration policies to a broader anti-capitalist or anti-colonial analysis. There is no mention of the colonial project of Canada that is founded on the occupation and genocide of indigenous peoples. Nor does the book connect the processes of immigration to the broader powers of an imperialist and capitalist state that requires borders to be established and maintained for its financial security. The state, through its internationally-sanctioned right to discriminate non-citizens, is able to offer employers the cheapest and most vulnerable group of workers simply by denying most people the ability to gain legal citizenship status. Furthermore, the book does not, at least explicitly, discuss the ways in which the construction of the Canadian nation-state is racialized and depends on a racialized understanding of who belongs and who does not. The success of border panics, for example, deeply depends not merely on the construction of “foreigners” but depends on the construction of racialized foreigners who are to be regulated by Canadian (read: white) society. Finally, the book does not (and certainly does not claim to) provide any inspiration in discussing movements of resistance against border policies.

The assertion of Canada’s sovereign right to be selective with respect to whom it allows to enter and remain in Canada has always represented the bottom line in the justification of immigration law. Canadian multiculturalism and conversations about race relations will hardly dismantle an immigration system that thrives on and nourishes the racism hidden within the deep structures of our society. As stated by Prime Minister Mackenzie King in 1947, “I wish to make it quite clear that Canada is perfectly within her rights in selecting persons whom we regard as desirable future citizens. It is not a ‘fundamental human right’ of any alien to enter Canada. It is a privilege. It is a matter of domestic policy. The people of Canada do not wish, as a result of mass immigration, to make any fundamental alteration in the character of our population.” Given that the detention and deportation of non-citizens is so readily accepted and unquestioned in society as the legitimate exercise of state sovereignty, this books goes a long way to render visible the material conditions and tangible practices of the detention and deportation of undeserving and undesirable non-citizens, who are essentially being criminalized for the mere act of migration.